Growing
up in New York I lived in the orbit of the ILGWU.
The
International Ladies Garment Workers Union was “The Union”.
Everyone
called it that. “The ILGWU” was for people from out of town.
The
Union was the champion of the workers, the people who before the union, and
not long before, had sat bent over sewing machines for 12 hours a day. It
supported liberal causes long before the word became right wing code for welfare:
taking “our” money and giving it to “them”.
What
my father and his generation understood by liberal was simple: helping people
rise. So that those on the lowest rung of the ladder could move off and up,
just as they had themselves. They believed in this not just because it was the
right thing to do, but because the result was better for all of us.
It
was a statement of belief in society, the idea that we were more than a
collection of individuals and their rights. Being part of a group brought
mutual responsibilities and mutual benefits.
Think
Jesus via John Donne and Franklin Roosevelt.
This
was still the land of opportunity. People felt the tide of optimism after the
war. So why not give everyone every opportunity to rise? The Union did it with
better wages, safer work places, health clinics, education programs---even
its own resort—and by giving a little power to the powerless.
It’s
hard to imagine now how large a shadow the garment industry cast in the city.
There was, of course, “the garment district”. Through it ran “Fashion Avenue”.
It employed over 70,000 people and generated many billions in revenues, wages
and taxes. It was a place where people could get ahead: where they could learn
skills, awaken their creativity, start a business on 37th Street,
find suppliers on 38th Street and major retail customers on 57th
Street.
It
was an incubator of prosperity.
My
father, on the periphery, represented a trade association of small “contractors,
men whose “shops”, with anywhere from 25 to 100+ machines, did mostly “piece
work” for the big manufacturers.
His
job was to represent the contractors and negotiate contracts with the
manufacturers and the Union.
The
contractors would rarely make the whole garment. They would make sleeves or
shoulders or buttonholes. Like many in the trade, my father could look at a
garment and estimate its cost, the labor, the time it would take, etc. He
worked closely with the Union and was a confident of many senior officials.
His
affiliation with “the movement” stretched back, as many of theirs did, to the
Jewish Labor Bund beginnings in Poland. As a young man he organized workers and
made speeches in support of improving the lives of workers. In this country he
worked for the Jewish Labor Committee, a Union-backed organization that rescued
people from Nazi-occupied Europe and helped place war orphans.
In
the 60’s it played a significant role in the Union’s campaign for Civil Rights.
One
my father’s friends was Louis Stulberg, who succeeded long-time ILG president
David Dubinsky. Stulberg silently paid his rent after my mother, Ida
Pearlstein, died and while he was out of work for the best part of a year, with
two young children to support. This was something that was never mentioned.
Dubinsky,
Sasha Zimmerman, George Rubin, Stulberg, Luigi Antonini were big personalities.
Some of the Union people, the business agents who were responsible for
organizing union shops, were just big. They had to be. Some manufacturers could
be violently anti-union. They thought it cost them money and that they should
be allowed to treat their workers as they chose. They hadn’t yet figured out
how to export their jobs south to Georgia or southeast to Viet Nam and China,
and take our tax base with them. Eventually they did.
In
the periphery there was always organized crime: “the boys”. If you left them
alone, my father counseled, they generally left you alone. If you “joined”, by
borrowing money at loan-shark rates because you had nowhere else to go for
capital, or to pay off debts, you were a member for life. Resignation was not
in their by-laws.
The
Union was as much a social welfare organization as a tool for collective
bargaining.
When
I was in high school I worked summers at Unity House, the leafy union resort
for its members in the Poconos, just over the Pennsylvania border. If you were
a union member you got two weeks sitting in Adirondack chairs or freezing in
the spring-fed lake with the perch. In the evening, when you finally dragged
yourself away from the second and third helpings at the table, you would be
entertained by nightly concerts in the auditorium. The programs ran from
Italian opera to popular music. One memorable rock-and-roll night featured
Little Anthony and the Imperials, who closed their set with a falsetto-driven
rendition of “Hava Nageela”.
Think:
a Bar Mitzvah in Harlem.
I
was a bus boy, then a waiter in the cavernous dining room. There was a huge
Diego Rivera mural at the entrance, which no one took notice of until years
later it, and the dining room, burnt down. There on the porch, ignoring Mr
Rivera’s passionate dream of revolution, the guests lined up every night,
dreaming of the Italian chef’s veal stew. At 7PM, like advance shock troops of
the Appetite Army, the doors opened and they rushed in, not so much hungry for
food as hungry to eat. The act of eating and eating a lot, of being able to eat
a lot, of being seen to eat a lot, was some kind of sign of being OK.
The
kitchen was divided into two parts, Jewish and Italian. The Jews would get
gefilte fish. The Italians, eggplant parmesan. Everybody got roast beef. The
kitchen practiced a seniority system. The veteran waiters got the first choice
of rolls in the morning and the ends of the roast beef in the evening. All the
guests wanted end pieces once someone at their table asked, and someone always
asked. The competition in the kitchen was fierce for the well-done ends of
roast beef. Unfortunately, a roast only has two ends.
The
eggplant parmesan was the best I have ever had, and I was not alone in that
judgment. The waiters kept multiples in their station drawers to enjoy after
work with a beer, until the stocky Italian chef, who wondered why there were
never enough for the guests, found out. One evening after dinner he ran around
the dining room opening drawers, waving his chef’s knife. Afterwards there were
always enough eggplants to go around.
One
of my fellow waiters was Jon Dolgen, son of Abe Dolgen. Abe was a Union
official and friend of my father’s. Decades later Jon became Head of Paramount.
When I saw his picture in the paper I thought it was Abe. In 1963 we decided
not to go to the March on Washington where Martin Luther King spoke from the
steps of the Lincoln Memorial because we wanted to stay at Unity House, work
the weekend for tips, play softball and perhaps get lucky with a waitress after
dinner.
So
much for our sense of history and commitment to social justice.
The
following is from the archives of the Cornell School of Industrial and Labor
Relations, where my mother, Ida Alter, was one of the first women graduates as
an adult student in 1947. It’s probably more than any layman person needs
to know about these pioneering people from the past. But what’s wrong with
letting their names ring out over the silent decades, since they built and were
“The Union”, which helped so many people rise?
ORGANIZATIONAL HISTORY
The
ILGWU was founded in New York City in 1900 by Jewish, Italian, and some
Scots-Irish and Irish immigrants. The Union sought to unite the various crafts
in its rapidly growing industry to increase their mutual strength. There was
early resistance to the ILGWU from the garment manufacturers with whom they
collectively bargained. There were also challenges to the Union’s domination of
the trade by the Industrial Workers of the World and by Daniel DeLeon’s
Socialist Trades and Labor Alliance.
By
1917, the ILGWU had defeated its rivals. Through a combination of militant and
impassioned work stoppages lead by its more radical members and vigorous
organizing and negotiation, the Union had also consolidated its power, greatly
improved working conditions for its members and created the mechanism for
arbitrating disputes and grievances under a labor-management agreement known as
the Protocol of Peace. In 1919, the ILGWU became the first American union to
negotiate an unemployment compensation fund that was contributed to by its
employers.
The
momentum of the previous two decades, however, was nearly lost to politically
inspired intraunion warfare in the 1920’s. Under its newly elected President
Morris Sigman, the Union’s General Executive Board disbanded left-wing groups
within the Union in 1923, charging that they were communist cells. The radicals
within the Union formed the Joint Action Committee to coordinate their battle
with the parent Union. The issue came to a head in 1926 during a bitter and
costly Cloakmaker’s strike. Mismanaged by the communist leadership in the
local, the strike plunged the International eight hundred thousand dollars into
debt. The chaos caused by the strike and the subsequent expulsion of communists
from the Union left it greatly weakened. Sigman resigned in 1928 and was
succeeded by Benjamin Schlesinger, who had previously lead the Union between
1914-1923. He remained as President until a fatal illness forced him to resign
in 1932.
Despite
the political turmoil during the 1920’s, the ILGWU pioneered in the
establishment of an extremely progressive health care program for its members
which included not only regional Union Health Centers but the establishment of
a resort for union workers first located in Massachusetts, later in the Pocono
Mountains of Pennsylvania, known as Unity House. The Union also had an
imaginative and pioneering Education Department which not only trained workers
in traditional union techniques, but provided courses in continuation education
in such basic skills as citizenship and the English language. The ILGWU also
offered its members a forum for their social activities—sponsoring such
activities as sports teams and even a mandolin orchestra.
In
1932, David Dubinsky was elected President of the ILGWU. Dubinsky and the ILGWU
(then 200,000 strong) were to play an important role in fostering industrial
unionism in the United States by encouraging the formation of the Committee for
Industrial Organization. The Union would be an important political force in New
York City and State politics and in the Democratic Party and Liberal Party as
well. Dubinsky and his union were also instrumental in the decade-long effort
to bring the plight of European Jews suffering under Nazi persecution to the
attention of the world through the efforts of the Jewish Labor Committee. The
ILGWU leadership included a number of significant figures in labor history in
addition to Dubinsky. Among these were former presidents Benjamin Schlesinger,
Morris Sigman, Louis Stulberg, and Sol Chaikin. The names of many of the
union’s other officials such as Luigi Antonini, Charles Zimmerman, Rose
Pesotta, Frederick F. Umhey, Julius Hochman, Fannia M. Cohn, Isidore Nagler,
Gus Tyler, and Leon Stein, are also well known to historians. In the period
following the Second World War, the union suffered a decline in membership due
to the movement of shops from the urban centers in the northeast to the south
to avoid unionization and to take advantage of less expensive labor. The ethnic
and racial character of the ILGWU also changed as European immigrants were
supplanted by Asians, Latin Americans and immigrants from the Caribbean.
The
Union’s African-American membership was also to greatly grow during this
period. In recent years, despite vigorous efforts by union activists to limit
such activities, garment manufacturers were to export their manufacturing
abroad, taking advantage of cheap third world labor supplies and further
cutting the membership base of the union.
In
July 1995 the ILGWU merged with the Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers
Union (ACTWU) at a joint convention, forming UNITE (Union of Needletrades,
Industrial and Textile Employees). At the time the new union had a membership
of about 250,000 in the United States, Canada, and Puerto Rico.